The Essentials
- U.S. private military companies (PMCs) have a long-standing presence in Latin America, where they are involved, in particular, in the fight against drug trafficking, the protection of infrastructure, and the training of local forces.
- The central role played by Erik Prince, former head of the infamous Blackwater and now at the helm of a new private military company (PMC) called Vectus Global, illustrates the resurgence of these PMCs in the region.
- Competition among the major powers in Latin America is also evident in this area: China is gradually gaining a foothold in the market, while Russia's presence appears to be waning.
However, the United States is no longer the only country interested in this market. Russia and, above all, China are also seeking to develop their own security companies there.
Anglo-Saxon SMPs: A Long-Standing Presence
The dire security situation in many Latin American countries and the fight against cartels and gangs have long provided significant opportunities for U.S. and, more broadly, Anglo-Saxon private security firms. Their activities primarily address needs related to the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, but also include the protection of foreign investments and personnel. On the ground, they offer consulting, training, and weapons sales services, among other things.
This presence dates back at least to the 1990s. The American company DynCorp, which has been operating in Colombia since 1998, played a key role in“Plan Colombia,” launched under President Bill Clinton to combat drug trafficking and strengthen the country’s security. It took part in anti-drug operations, including the spraying of herbicides such as glyphosate, as well as the protection of infrastructure and personnel, and armed operations. These activities have sparked considerable controversy, particularly due to their environmental and health impacts in neighboring countries.
In Colombia, U.S. companies have also carried out aerial intelligence missions on behalf of the U.S. government. Some of these operations have been heavily criticized: in 1998, for example, intelligence provided by the company Airscan reportedly contributed to the Colombian Air Force’s bombing of a civilian village. In Colombia, private military companies also capitalized on the presence of rebel groups such as the FARC. A subsidiary of ArmorGroup, Defense Systems Colombia, employed several hundred people—mostly former military personnel—to provide security for oil facilities, some of which belonged to British Petroleum. The company has also been accused of involvement in serious human rights violations.
During the same period, other private military companies (PMCs) operating in the military training sector were active in the region. For example, in Peru, the companies Gun Supply and Triple Canopy “offered their services” for training at military facilities owned by Lima. Similarly, Your Solution Inc. and, once again, Triple Canopy used government facilities in Honduras to train Honduran, Chilean, Nicaraguan, and Salvadoran combatants.
This long-standing cooperation has also helped strengthen the capabilities of Latin American government forces, while subsequently facilitating the transition of certain military personnel to the private sector, particularly within foreign private military companies.
Vectus Global: The Return of Erik Prince
Since Donald Trump’s return to the White House, Erik Prince and his company, Vectus Global, appear to be experiencing a resurgence. In particular, he has been active in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and, in Latin America, in Ecuador, El Salvador, Peru, and Haiti.
In Ecuador, Prince participated in efforts to combat crime alongside local authorities in 2025. Details of the contracts remain poorly documented, but his activities reportedly involved training and advising Ecuadorian forces, as well as combating illegal mining, drug trafficking, and organized crime. Prince also reportedly promised to provide the “tools, tactics, and intelligence” needed to fight drug traffickers.
Prince has also developed a close relationship with Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele, whom he has met with on several occasions, and reportedly offered his services to Peru in 2025. In addition, he is said to have taken an interest in Venezuela, providing more or less direct support to opponents of the Caracas regime.
It is primarily in Haiti that Vectus Global is said to have established a significant presence. Since early 2025, it has reportedly been tasked with helping to combat gangs, as well as regaining control of certain major roads and restoring the collection of taxes and fees. The group has reportedly deployed between 150 and 200 personnel, accompanied by intelligence and communications specialists, as well as helicopters, ships, and drones.
These were reportedly used in offensive operations conducted jointly with Haitian authorities. In January 2026, one such operation reportedly targeted the G9 criminal group and its leader, Jimmy Chérizier, known as “Barbecue.”
In total, between March1, 2025, and January 21, 2026, 1,243 people, including civilians, were reportedly killed and 738 wounded in drone strikes. These strikes were carried out during 141 operations attributed to Haitian authorities, who reportedly operated, in whole or in part, with the support of Vectus Global.
It should also be noted that Anglo-Saxon private military companies are not limited to countercrime operations. Companies such as MWM Inc. and Acri Defense, for example, are involved in activities related to prison surveillance and the management of migrants along the U.S.-Mexico border.
Russia: A Limited Presence
The Russian presence in Latin America is much smaller. Moscow-based defense companies have secured a few contracts, mainly with Russia’s allies, but have not managed to establish a lasting foothold.
In 2019, approximately 400 members of the Wagner Group were reportedly sent to Venezuela to protect Nicolás Maduro during the political crisis that was rocking the country. Their presence came as Venezuelan armed groups backed by the U.S. private military company Silvercorp were attempting, throughOperation Gideon, to overthrow the government.
In late 2021, another Russian company, Vega Strategic Services, reportedly conducted training missions for Venezuelan forces. In short, the presence of Russian private military companies is limited to Russia’s allies in the region, but it appears that since February 2022—and following the reestablishment of control over Russian private military structures after the Wagner rebellion in June 2023—the activities of these companies in the region have significantly decreased.
China Is Advancing Under Cover
China’s strategy is different. It supports Beijing’s economic expansion in Latin America, particularly as part of the New Silk Roads initiative. The construction of strategic infrastructure, such as the Chancay mega-port in Peru, creates new needs for the protection of Chinese investments, facilities, and citizens.
Chinese security companies are thus present in Argentina, Uruguay, Venezuela, Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Peru. Among them are China Overseas Security Group, Beijing Dujie Security Technology Company, ZhongBao Hua’an Security Service, and China Security Technology Group, which is particularly active in the mining sector.
In Mexico, the “Mexican-Chinese Security Council, ” founded by Feng Chengkang, a former PRC government official, is said to provide protection for Chinese businesspeople against gangs. This presence is part of a particularly dynamic private security market: between 2012 and 2018, the market reportedly grew by 180% to reach $1.5 billion.
Latin America is now one of the five major areas of operation for Chinese private military companies (PMCs), along with Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and mainland Southeast Asia. However, their presence there is still more recent and less developed than elsewhere. It benefits from the political and military rapprochement between Beijing and several governments in the region, notably through the provision of equipment and the training of Latin American officers in China, particularly in the Dominican Republic.
A Long History of International Competition
The presence of foreign private military companies in Latin America is nothing new. Even before Russian and Chinese companies, Israeli firms had already established a presence in the region. In the late 1980s, Spearhead Ltd., led by Yair Klein, supplied weapons and trained paramilitary groups in Colombia, as well as individuals linked to drug trafficking, notably the Medellín Cartel.
In the early 2000s, Global CST—a company founded by former Israeli military and intelligence officials—operated primarily in Peru and Colombia. In Colombia, it provided training services to local intervention units.
There is a clear benefit for Latin American countries in using foreign private security companies: these companies often have greater expertise and resources than local firms, while being less likely to have ties to criminal organizations or gangs.
Latin America is thus becoming an increasingly contested market. U.S. security companies, which have a long-standing and extensive network there, are supporting Washington’s tougher stance against drug trafficking and organized crime. Chinese companies are expanding in tandem with Beijing’s growing investments and infrastructure development, particularly to protect its interests and its citizens. Russia, on the other hand, appears to have seen its presence significantly reduced since the start of the war in Ukraine and especially since the Wagner Group’s attempted rebellion in June 2023, which reduced their leeway.
